Who is primarily responsible for the violence in darfur

Sudanese government forces and the Janjaweed militias burned and destroyed hundreds of villages, caused tens of thousands of civilian deaths, displaced millions of people, and raped and assaulted thousands of women and girls. As of September , some 2. For a period in early , the number of government attacks on civilians decreased, partly because the majority of targeted villages were already destroyed and their inhabitants displaced from the rural areas.

In late , however, the situation dramatically worsened, and deteriorated still further after the May Darfur Peace Agreement. Rebel allegiances have shifted and split since the conflict began, most notably in November , when the SLA split into two factions, and once again following the signing of the Darfur Peace Agreement in May Throughout and the situation gradually transformed due to the increasing fragmentation and changing allegiances of the parties.

As both government and rebel factions jockeyed for position and pursued military gains, violent clashes and outright targeted attacks on civilians continued across Darfur. Civilians also suffered harassment, beatings and rape even outside the context of large scale attacks, at the hands of government forces, militia, rebels and ex-rebel groups and bandits. Following the request, Sudanese government forces continued to conduct military operations against civilian areas and mobilize abusive militia forces in Darfur.

The government of Sudan in and continued its bombing campaign, carrying out massive air strikes on civilian areas purportedly under rebel control in all three Darfur states.

Government-backed militias have also carried out large scale attacks on the civilian population across Darfur. In February , government forces and allied militia carried out a series of coordinated attacks on villages in West Darfur, purportedly in response to military gains by JEM in the preceding two months. On February 8, , three villages—Sirba, Silea and Abu Suruj—were attacked in a single day by the Sudanese Air Force with Antonov bombers and helicopter gunships, backed up by Janjaweed militia on horseback.

The Janjaweed followed up the bombing with burning, looting, raping and killing. At least civilians died as a result of these attacks, and at least 10 women were raped or sexually assaulted.

Clashes between the government and JEM persisted in the following weeks and included aerial bombings. Following an attack on May 10, by Darfur rebel forces on Omdurman — one of the three towns that form the Sudanese capital Khartoum — Sudanese authorities arbitrarily arrested hundreds of men, women and children in Khartoum. Government security forces continue to abuse the rights of displaced persons living in camps.

On August 26, , 30 civilians at Kalma camp in South Darfur died during an attempt by police and military forces to conduct a civilian disarmament operation. Darfurian rebel and ex-rebel groups have also carried out abuses.

Residents of North Darfur in particular have reported abuses by combatants aligned with former rebel leader Minni Minawi, who had signed the Darfur Peace Agreement in May These abuses against civilians, as well as clashes between SLA-Minni Minawi fighters and rebel groups, have caused substantial displacement, especially of people from Korma and Tawila, to various camps in the area.

However, some militia also have grievances against the government, particularly those whose promised salaries have not been delivered. This has led to some outbreaks of violence, such as in El Fasher in April when militia protesting lack of pay attacked the market and other areas, leaving at least 15 people dead.

In addition, some militia have switched allegiances to rebel groups, at least for a period. Since January there has also been an increase in violent clashes between Arab armed groups, particularly in South Darfur.

The clashes, which reflect increasingly violent competition for scarce resources, have left hundreds dead and forced thousands to flee. Violence displaced more than , people in Darfur in the first half of Meanwhile, women and girls living in displaced persons camps, towns, and rural areas remain extremely vulnerable to sexual violence — both in the context of attacks and in periods of relative calm.

Sudanese authorities continue to allow armed men to carry out rapes and other acts of sexual violence with impunity. On July 31, , the United Nations Security Council, with the consent of Sudan, agreed to deploy a peacekeeping force of up to 26, international military and police personnel in Darfur. However, because of Sudanese government obstruction, few additional troops were deployed at the transfer of authority, and even by July , one year after its authorization, the force was barely one third of its authorized strength.

The government of Sudan threw up a series of bureaucratic obstructions to the force, including delaying allocating land for bases and the arrival of critical equipment. Khartoum has also insisted that the peacekeeping force be composed primarily of troops from African countries, although there are no equivalent African troops ready to deploy. In the wake of the request by the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court for an arrest warrant for President al-Bashir, Sudanese authorities made some minor concessions towards facilitating deployment, such as granting a few hundred outstanding visas.

However, as of August , deployment was still seriously hampered by government obstacles, logistical challenges and insecurity.

One of the key problems is that over the past four years the Sudanese government has continued to follow a policy of supporting ethnic militias, coordinating or tolerating attacks on civilians and permitting serious violations of international law to go unpunished—including attacks on peacekeepers and humanitarian aid workers and their convoys.

The continuing conflict and fragmentation of the rebel groups have also contributed to increasing lawlessness in parts of Darfur. This in turn has allowed bandits to flourish and rebels to attack aid convoys and kill civilians. The deterioration in security, combined with targeted attacks on aid workers, has severely limited humanitarian access to large areas of Darfur. In the first half of , 10 humanitarian workers were killed in Darfur, 74 humanitarian premises were attacked, and by August more than 12o humanitarian vehicles had been hijacked.

Insecurity and attacks interrupted aid to over , people. The identity of the attackers and their motivations remain unknown, but the attack took place in a government-controlled area.

A growing humanitarian crisis ensued. The rebel movements appear to have recruited from within certain tribes and clans in Darfur and the war has inevitably focused upon those areas of Darfur within which the insurgents chose to base themselves. Several hundred thousand civilians have chosen to flee and remove themselves from these war zones. The rebel movements in Darfur have claimed that they are fighting against underdevelopment and marginalisation.

Every part of Sudan, north, south, east and west is underdeveloped and Darfur has been the focus of considerable government attention. These claims should be assessed against the information and figures given below.

Political participation: Since coming to power in , the Sudanese government has sought to introduce a federal model of government. Darfuris are very well represented within Sudan's political structures. There are seven federal government ministers from Darfur and Darfuris also hold, amongst other positions, a cabinet-rank presidential adviser position.

There are also four Darfuri state governors and Darfuris are also members of the supreme and constitutional court. Darfuri representation in the National Assembly is second only to the southern states. Education: There has been a continuous increase in education facilities in Darfur. For example, the number of primary schools in was , increasing to schools in There were schools in and this increased under the present government to schools in , in addition to mixed schools.

Secondary schools have increased from2 schools in to schools in The present government also established three universities in Darfur. Health: The number of hospitals in greater Darfur has increased under this government from 3 hospitals in to 23 hospitals by ; health centres have similarly increased from 20 to 24 and medical laboratories from 16 to Water Supplies: Water production levels have risen from 6 million cubic meters in to 11 million cubic meters in in addition to increased in natural water reserves from 1 ,, cubic meters in to12 ,, cubic meters in Water pump production in greater Darfur has also increased from1 ,, cubic meters in to 3,, cubic meters in During , the following water projects were implemented in greater Darfur: the installation of deep ground wells, the rehabilitation of ground wells, the building of 43 dykes and 30 dams, the drilling of hand pumps and the rehabilitation of hand pump wells.

Power Supplies: The total power generation in greater Darfur has risen under this government from2 , kilowatts in to4 , kws by Southern Darfur's power generation in particular grew in the same time from 3 to 7 megawatts in Nyala. Transport infrastructure: Greater Darfur accounts for 40 percent of airport and aerodrome infrastructure outside of the national capital.

There are three international airports in Al-Fasher, Nyala, and al-Gineina with smaller airports elsewhere. All these were built under this government. Prior to there was no real road infrastructure in Darfur. The government has initiated a number of road and bridge building programs to assist with communications in greater Darfur. The conflict in Darfur presents a very complex situation with very complex problems, and understanding of which has already been made more difficult by the propaganda, which invariably accompanies war.

The region is home to some 80 tribes and ethnic groups divided between nomads and sedentary communities. The rebels appear to have been identified within two or three communities of the Fur, Massalit and the Zaghawa tribes which straddle the Sudan-Chad border.

There are many dimensions to the conflict, regional, national and international. But, environmental factors - such as encroaching desertification - have led to considerable tension between nomads and more established farming communities.

The inter-tribal violence that has taken place in Darfur has, nevertheless, been portrayed by some anti-government activists and some international media and NGOs as "ethnic cleansing" and even "genocide". The activities of nomadic Arab tribesmen known as the "Janjaweed" have come into sharp focus. It is claimed that they are sponsored by the Government, which is not true. It is unclear exactly how much control anyone has over the "Janjaweed" gunmen, except their tribal leaders.

All wars lead to human rights violations. The conflict in Darfur has been no exception. And as is so often the case in war, the conflict has inevitably been caught up in the propaganda and misinformation that comes with it and that has certainly characterized previous coverage of Sudan. In its wake, efforts at conflict resolution will be hampered and the palpable presence of ethnic hostility will indeed constitute a concrete and tangible cause of future violent confrontations.

The international community has shown considerable attention to the Darfur crisis, especially given the humanitarian and security situation.

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